In 1997, responding to more of the forensic void elsewhere in Bosnia, where at least an additional 15,000 had gone missing, PHR, which is primarily a human rights fact-finding group, not traditionally a capacity-building organization, expanded its presence in Bosnia and provided to all local entities- Serb, Croat, and Bosnian Muslim- forensic training, equipment, and documentation of the local exhumation process.

Also in 1997, with no identification effort underway, no family's uncertainty put to an end, and over 500 exhumed from Srebrenica-including remains recovered with strong leads such as distinctive jewelry or personal papers- PHR began the Srebrenica Identification Project. PHR trained Bosnian staff to follow up on leads, work closely with victim families, and provided mitochondrial DNA analysis to conclude cases for which physical features were not sufficiently conclusive. In mid-1997, PHR provided local forensic pathologists with the scientific evidence necessary to conclude the first set of Srebrenica identifications. The families of the identified invariably changed through the long process, moving from their fervent belief that their missing were alive to a certainty that their loved one's body had been identified.

The PHR Srebrenica Identification Project had no authority or control over the remains and other crucial resources, such as a morgue, and so depended on the goodwill of international institutions, like The Hague tribunal, as well as national resources, such as the tunnel storage facility, local forensic pathologists, and Tuzla's hospital morgue. However, absent both a political commitment to Srebrenica identifications and a sense of the system necessary to achieve scientifically sound identifications, the goodwill and cooperation of these actors were frequently missing. The hospital, for instance, refused access to its morgue and would not allow its pathologists to engage in Srebrenica autopsies. This created a bottleneck in PHR's identification system, which was compounded by the recovery of an additional 2,000 bodies and body parts from the ICTY's 1998 Srebrenica exhumations and the lack of a place to put them. Protesting lack of funding for the remains already in custody, officials in charge of the tunnels of remains from Srebrenica refused to accept more bodies. Without proper storage facilities, the 2,000 body bags' bodies were left in containers in a parking lot, which angered the family associations. Without access to the tunnels or, for that matter, parking lot containers, the recovery of surface remains came to a virtual halt.

By 1998, many of the Srebrenica survivors began to acknowledge that their missing might be dead. They despaired over the slow pace of the exhumation process and demanded that the remains be recovered for their loved ones and to demonstrate the nature and scale of the crimes committed. The survivors wanted the world to acknowledge that they had been victims of genocide, and the remains provided their proof. But the ICTY's timetable for exhuming the Srebrenica graves held the unearthed remains essentially hostage to prosecutorial priorities and The Hague's logistical capacity. Survivor voices had little, if any, effect of the pace of the investigations.


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Caught in a limbo between hope and grief. the survivors of Srebrenica can neither return to their past lives nor plan for the future. They live with the pain of what they themselves endured, coupled with the anquish of not knowing the fate of their loved ones..